Chimoney, a fintech startup that built a unified API for cross-border payments across 41 currencies, is shutting down, Founder/CEO, Uchi Uchibeke, announced today.

The Nigerian-Canadian startup, which served hundreds of businesses across North America, Africa, and Latin America, raised under USD 1 M over its four-year lifespan, a sum Uchibeke now acknowledges was insufficient for its venture-scale ambitions.

“The product worked,” Uchibeke said in a candid post-mortem. “It was distribution. I spent too much of my time building and not enough time making sure people knew what we built.”

Chimoney emerged from Techstars and secured a FINTRAC MSB license, Uchibeke shared, later becoming one of the first companies in Canada to receive a Payment Service Provider license under the Bank of Canada’s new RPAA regime. It was also among the first production providers of Interledger, the open protocol for connecting disparate payment networks.

A U.S. company paying a freelancer in Lagos often faces the hassle of navigating multiple rails, currencies, and compliance checks. Chimoney wrapped those complexities into a single API supporting bank transfers, mobile money, stablecoins, and Interledger. But regulatory and audit costs across multiple jurisdictions proved unsustainable on flat revenue and thin capital.

Uchibeke explored strategic alternatives before deciding to wind down. “None of them closed on terms that made sense. So I chose to shut down cleanly instead of dragging the company forward on hope.”

He notified investors in February and clients in April. Every client wallet balance is being refunded through August 31, 2026, the founder announced, with migration playbooks published for developers who built on the API.

Notably, Chimoney’s corporate entity and PSP registration are being preserved. “That license is hard to get, and I believe it will only get harder. I am holding on to it,” Uchibeke said.

His takeaway for other founders: “Either raise properly or bootstrap with a profitable beachhead. I tried to do both and did neither well.”

Uchibeke is now building APort, a separate company focused on pre-action authorisation for AI agents, which has already created the Open Agent Passport.

Nigerian businesses have lost ground in the latest Financial Times ranking of Africa’s fastest-growing companies, a fall driven by the currency devaluation that President Bola Tinubu initiated in 2023, according to the report published on Tuesday.

The FT list, compiled with research firm Statista, measures compound annual revenue growth between 2021 and 2024. For companies that report in local currencies, Statista converts figures to US dollars using year-end exchange rates. The sharp decline of the naira during that period depressed dollar equivalent revenues for Nigerian firms, pushing many down or off the ranking altogether.

“We are putting the breaks on our Nigerian investments,” Lexi Novitske, general partner at Norrsken22, an Africa-focused tech growth fund based in Lagos, told the FT. Novitske said the fund has increasingly turned its attention to Egypt and South Africa.

The start of a new presidential election cycle in 2026, continued uncertainty about naira stability, and concerns that the government is squeezing businesses too hard are damaging investor confidence, she added. “The macro factors are better, but a business has to realise returns, and sometimes the government doesn’t seem to understand that.”

South Africa dominated the 2026 ranking with 51 companies on the list of 130 fastest-growing businesses. Kenya overtook Nigeria for the second spot with 17 entries, followed by Nigeria with 16, Mauritius with 12 and Tunisia with six, a first-time appearance in the top five.

Egyptian fintech Thndr topped the list for the first time. The company offers broking services to a poorly-served mass market and has acquired 1 million active users, many investing for the first time. Fintech, IT and software businesses made up nearly 40 percent of the list, though manufacturing companies represented the third-largest sector.

The ranking measures revenue growth only, not profitability or job creation. The minimum compound annual growth rate required for inclusion this year was 9.27 percent. The list does not account for the shock of the Middle East war, which the International Monetary Fund has said could ripple through 2026 in the form of higher fuel and food prices.

Sub-Saharan Africa’s GDP grew 4.5 percent in 2025, but the IMF downgraded its 2026 forecast by 0.3 percentage points to 4.3 percent. For Nigeria, the path back up the ranking may depend on whether the economy stabilises and the strain on businesses eases long enough to rebuild investor confidence.

Egyptian logistics startup Bosta has delivered a rare act in Africa’s tech scene, a cash exit. Beltone Venture Capital and UAE-based Citadel International Holdings sold their joint investment stake, booking a disclosed 75% IRR.

The figure is striking given the context. Between 2022 and 2024, The Egyptian pound lost roughly 60% of its value against the dollar, a devaluation that erased portfolio value for many investors. Egypt-based VC Beltone and UAE-headquartered Citadel placed their bet in 2024, when the worst of the currency slide was stabilising, meaning they locked in that 75% within about two years.

Behind the numbers is a company that has rapidly scaled from an idea into a market leader. Bosta was founded in 2017 by Mohamed Ezzat and Ahmed Gaber, two entrepreneurs who set out to overhaul a logistics sector long plagued by inefficiency and unreliable service.

From its base in Cairo, Bosta built a full-stack delivery platform for e-commerce businesses, offering merchants digital tools to manage shipments and access next-day delivery. Within a few years, the startup had delivered over 20 million parcels and served more than 25,000 businesses, cementing its position as a prominent technology-led logistics player. In 2025 alone, Bosta boasts 37 million shipments and EGP 27 B (~USD 510 M) in gross merchandise value, while maintaining a 95% delivery success rate.

A cash exit is not the norm. A recent report tracking VC-backed exits across Africa since 2011 found the continent producing more exits than ever, but a 33% decline in funding alongside a 36% jump in exits means the apparent increase is partly arithmetic. Many 2025 mergers were all-stock deals. Investors walked away not with cash, but with equity in private acquirers and value that may not hold when sold.

Bosta’s transaction works differently. It injected actual liquidity. Beltone retains a separate undisclosed stake in Bosta through its own fund, while Egypt’s listed fintech Fawry, an early investor since 2017, has said it will stay in through the planned IPO.

That leaves an unnamed buyer. Paying a price that yields a 75% IRR for selling investors suggests someone deliberately building a position before Bosta’s planned USD 170 M listing on Egypt’s exchange later this year. The cap table now shows a VC fund taking cash off the table, a strategic fintech staying, and an anonymous buyer stepping in, a deliberate staging ahead of a public debut.

The deal marks Beltone’s fifth exit since 2023 and the second from the Citadel joint fund. A cash exit turns a paper valuation into returns that can be recycled. That, more than the percentage, is vital in a cash-starved ecosystem.

Africa has more than 5,000 angel investors and 75 active networks, but the capital they deploy at the earliest stage of startup funding remains remarkably thin, according to a survey released on Monday.

Angel groups that responded to the African Business Angel Network (ABAN) survey invested just over USD 4.4 M in 2025 across the continent. Individual angels write cheques typically below USD 25 K, with more than 90% of them investing at that level, up from 76% in 2024, the report said.

The figures expose a critical gap in a year when overall venture funding into African startups rebounded. Most of that capital flowed into later-stage companies, leaving early-stage ventures scrambling for smaller tickets.

When angel capital does find its way to startups, the outcomes are strong. Sixty-five percent of angel-backed companies went on to raise follow-on funding, the survey found, a rate that suggests the capital is effective at validating businesses for institutional investors. But the pipeline remains constrained.

Meanwhile, the investor base is shifting. Women now make up 37% of surveyed angel investors, according to the report, up from previous years. The African diaspora accounts for 33% of angels and has participated in more than 270 announced deals, representing 60% of all angel investments over the past decade.

Diaspora investors are increasingly organised. Nearly half of all angel networks now have at least 25% diaspora membership, according to the report produced in collaboration with Briter Intelligence and the United Nations Development Programme.

But liquidity remains a persistent problem. Twenty-one percent of angel networks identified limited exit opportunities and lack of liquidity as their biggest challenge in 2025. Unlike more mature markets, Africa lacks functioning secondary markets where early investors can sell stakes, making it harder to recycle capital into new deals.

Some investors are engineering their own exits. Isaac Ewaleifoh, a diaspora-based angel with a portfolio of 100 deals, told the survey he targets exits within two to three years and has achieved 10 exits, seven through secondary sales.

The funding squeeze comes as traditional sources of development capital retreat. The dismantling of USAID and pullbacks by European governments have tightened external funding, putting more pressure on domestic and diaspora sources to fill the gap.

Angel networks are now active across 37 African countries, though 80% of deals remain concentrated in Nigeria, Egypt, Kenya and South Africa. The ABAN survey received responses from more than 60 angels and network managers across the continent. 

The rand is back in that familiar place where local traders start leaning closer to their screens. A SARB rate decision is already enough to move USD/ZAR, but when it arrives alongside G20 tensions, the setup becomes sharper. South African traders are not just watching interest rates now. They are watching confidence, diplomacy, commodity flows, and the dollar all pulling at the same rope.

For traders in Johannesburg, Cape Town, Durban, and Pretoria, this is the kind of market that feels quiet one moment and jumpy the next. Why? Because the rand is rarely driven by one story alone. It reacts to the SARB’s tone, global risk appetite, foreign investor mood, and even what happens in metals and energy markets. It’s like a taxi moving through Sandton traffic, smooth for a few minutes, then suddenly stuck because one road ahead has changed.

That is why forex trading South Africa has become more interesting for traders who understand that local policy and global tension now sit on the same chart. A rate decision can give the rand direction, but G20 related uncertainty can quickly change the wider market mood. You might see USD/ZAR fall after a confident SARB tone, then bounce again if global investors run back to the dollar.

Why the SARB Decision Matters Now

The SARB decision gives traders a local anchor in a market full of moving parts. It tells investors how the central bank sees inflation, growth, household pressure, and rand stability. For South Africans, this is not just policy talk. It can shape borrowing costs, business confidence, and the way foreign investors judge rand assets.

Interest Rates Shape Rand Sentiment

Interest rates often work like a magnet for capital. When South African yields look attractive, the rand can find support, especially if investors still feel comfortable holding emerging market assets. But here’s the catch. That support can weaken quickly if global risk appetite turns sour.

You might notice this during busy trading sessions. The rand may strengthen after a firm SARB message, but if the dollar gains globally, local optimism can fade fast. That’s when experienced traders stop asking only what the SARB said and start asking how the world reacted to it.

Inflation Keeps the Market Alert

Inflation remains one of the biggest reasons traders care about central bank language. If inflation looks sticky, the SARB may sound cautious. If price pressure cools, the market may start expecting future policy relief. Why does this matter so much? Because currency markets usually move before ordinary people feel the change.

The rand behaves like a weather vane in these moments. A small shift in inflation expectations can quickly change how traders view interest rates, and that view can show up in USD/ZAR within minutes.

That gives local traders a useful signal, but not the whole picture. The SARB may set the tone at home, while global politics decides whether investors are brave enough to follow it.

How G20 Tensions Add Pressure to the Rand

G20 tensions can change the global mood very quickly. When major economies clash over trade, energy, debt, security, or policy direction, emerging market currencies often feel the pressure first. The rand is one of those currencies that reacts fast because global traders use it as a liquid way to express risk appetite.

Global Risk Can Override Local News

A supportive SARB decision can help the rand, but it may not protect it fully if global investors suddenly become cautious. In that case, money often moves toward the US dollar. Simple as that.

Think of it like a clear road with storm clouds forming in the distance. Locally, South Africa may look stable for the day, but if global sentiment turns defensive, the rand can feel the wind before the storm arrives. Traders who ignore that bigger picture can get caught by sudden reversals.

Commodities Sit in the Middle

South Africa’s currency also has a close relationship with commodity sentiment. Gold, platinum, iron ore, and broader resource demand can all influence how investors look at the rand. If G20 tensions affect trade expectations or global growth hopes, commodity linked currencies can react quickly.

This is why a trader in Cape Town watching USD/ZAR may also need one eye on gold and another on global headlines. It sounds like a lot, but that’s the reality of rand trading. The currency often moves like a tide, local at the surface, global underneath.

By the end of a volatile session, traders often realize the rand was never reacting to one thing. It was reacting to the mix.

What This Means for South African Forex Traders

This market rewards traders who connect the dots instead of chasing the first candle. A SARB headline, a G20 comment, a dollar move, and a commodity shift can all arrive close together. That creates opportunity, but it also creates noise. And noise can be expensive.

Traders Need a Wider View

South African traders should not treat USD/ZAR as a chart that lives alone. The dollar index, US yields, gold prices, emerging market sentiment, and SARB commentary can all matter. It’s like listening to a full band. One instrument may be loud, but the full rhythm tells you where the song is going.

For retail traders, this wider view can make a big difference. A rand move after the rate decision may look strong at first, but if global risk sentiment does not support it, the move may not last.

Risk Control Becomes Even More Important

When local policy and global tension collide, price action can become sharp and uneven. That makes position sizing, stop placement, and patience more important than usual. Traders who jump into every move may find themselves trapped when the market snaps back.

The smarter approach is to wait for confirmation. If the rand reacts strongly after the SARB decision, check whether the dollar, commodities, and broader risk mood agree with that move. If they don’t, the trade may be weaker than it looks.

For South African traders, this is a market that rewards discipline. Not panic. Not guesswork. Discipline.

Conclusion

The SARB rate decision and G20 tensions have made South Africa’s forex market far more interesting. The rand is being pulled between local policy signals and global uncertainty, and that mix can create meaningful trading opportunities.

But the real edge belongs to traders who understand the full story. When the SARB speaks, listen closely. When G20 tensions rise, widen the lens. The rand can move calmly for hours, then suddenly shift like traffic after a closed road. In this kind of market, the best traders are not just watching the move. They are asking what is really driving it.

For decades, the mobile phone in Africa meant one thing to telcos: voice minutes. That era is ending. Across the continent, data and digital financial services have surpassed traditional calling as the primary growth engines, and the latest batch of financial results signals a fundamental shift in how millions of people across the continent now communicate and manage their finances.

Airtel Africa, which operates in 14 sub-Saharan countries, reported full-year 2026 revenue of USD 6.4 B in results released Friday. The company’s customer base reached 183.5 million, but the real story is where the money came from. Data has become Airtel’s largest revenue contributor, with data revenue growing 35.2% in constant currency, fueled by smartphone penetration rising to 49.5%.

Each customer now consumes 8.9GB of data per month, up from 7GB a year ago. Meanwhile, Airtel Money, the company’s mobile money arm, grew its customer base 21.3% to 54.1 million people, processing annualised transactions worth over USD 215 B in the final quarter alone.

Airtel is not alone in this transition. Safaricom, Kenya’s biggest telecom operator, released its financials, Thursday showing its mobile data business overtook voice calls for the first time in the year ended March 2026. Data accounted for 42.1% of the company’s connectivity revenue, narrowly edging out voice at 41.3%.

Data revenue rose 14.4% to USD 646 M, while voice revenue grew just 1.3%. Messaging revenue plummeted nearly 12% as users migrated to WhatsApp and other internet-based platforms.

Average monthly data consumption per subscriber climbed 16.6% to 4.92GB, and the number of customers using more than 1GB of mobile data monthly jumped 22.4%. To keep usage growing, Safaricom has leaned into lower pricing; average rates per megabyte dropped 12.1% during the year, but heavier internet usage more than made up the difference.

MTN Group is following a similar trajectory. The continent’s largest telecom operator, operating in 16 African markets, returned to profit in 2025, with group service revenue rising 22.9% on a reported basis to USD 13.6 B. Data revenue jumped 37.7%, and fintech revenue rose 30%, the company reported. MTN served 307.2 million customers and recorded 23.3 billion mobile money transactions in 2025. Average monthly data use per customer hit 12.5 GB, up from 10.8 GB the previous year.

Two forces are driving this transformation, mainly. First, smartphone penetration is rising steadily, now at nearly 50% across Airtel’s footprint, enabling millions more people to access the internet affordably. Meanwhile, Safaricom reported 33.2 million smartphones connected to its network, up 21.2%.

Second, mobile money has moved far beyond basic person-to-person transfers into savings, lending, insurance and merchant payments, embedding itself directly into daily commerce.

It’s a necessary pivot for telecom operators. Voice revenue, long the industry’s bedrock, has flatlined across most markets due to price competition and saturation. OTT platforms like WhatsApp and Zoom have eaten into traditional calling and messaging revenues, forcing telcos to find new streams. Data and fintech have answered that call.

The same administrators who were appointed to rescue Copia Kenya have now filed an insolvency petition against the e-commerce platform, a rare twist in a case that reveals the breakdown of efforts to revive the once-buzzy startup.

Anthony Makenzi Muthusi and Julius Ngonga of KPMG filed the petition at the Commercial and Admiralty Division of the Milimani Law Courts, according to a gazette notice. The administrators were appointed to manage Copia’s assets in 2024 but now say the company cannot meet its debts. The case is set for a hearing on May 11, with creditors and other interested parties allowed to support or challenge the application.

An insolvency petition is typically filed when a business cannot meet debt repayments on time or when liabilities outweigh available assets. The filing marks a shift from the administration process launched nearly two years ago.

Copia was founded in 2013 by Tracey Turner and Jonathan Lewis, who had previously built and sold social impact fintech companies in Silicon Valley. The company built its brand around serving consumers outside major urban centres in Kenya, using a network of local agents and proprietary logistics to reach low-income and rural households. It targeted a market of about 750 million people across Africa with collective purchasing power that traditional retailers had largely ignored.

Investors poured money into the vision. Copia raised more than USD 100 M between its launch and 2022, including a USD 50 M Series C round led by Goodwell Investments that year and a USD 20 M extension in late 2023 led by Enza Capital. Its backers included the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation, the German development finance institution DEG, LGT and Microsoft founder Paul Allen’s Vulcan Capital.

The downturn was rapid. In April 2023, Copia exited the Ugandan market. By mid-2024, the company could no longer meet its payroll. It placed its assets under the management of Muthusi and Ngonga of KPMG as it searched for a path to stabilise operations and attract capital. The restructuring led to plans for more than 1,000 job cuts.

The macroeconomic environment has worsened for Kenyan e-commerce ventures, with slower funding activity, higher logistics costs and tighter consumer spending. A new digital tax that took effect in December 2024 has also been cited as a risk to traders, threatening to push small businesses off formal e-commerce platforms and back into informal markets.

The court proceedings at the Commercial and Admiralty Division are expected to determine the next stage of the company’s future, including whether operations continue under a revised structure or move toward formal liquidation.

When a Nigerian senator called this week for the revocation of MTN and DStv licences over renewed attacks on Nigerians in South Africa, it was not the first time economic retaliation had been proposed. Since the end of apartheid, the rivalry between Africa’s two largest economies has been punctuated by waves of xenophobic violence in South Africa followed by reprisals on South African businesses in Nigeria.

The latest outbreak erupted between April 27 and 29 in Pretoria, Johannesburg and other cities, leaving two Nigerians, identified as Amaramiro Emmanuel and Ekpenyong Andre, confirmed dead, according to the Nigerian Consulate in Johannesburg.

More than 118 Nigerians have been killed in xenophobic incidents between 2015 and 2026, according to Nigerian officials. In response, the Nigerian government has summoned South Africa’s acting high commissioner and begun arranging voluntary repatriation, with 130 Nigerians already registered for evacuation flights.

Major attacks in 2008, 2011, 2015, 2017 and 2019 have left many Nigerians displaced, traumatised and forced to abandon their livelihoods. In 2008, at least 62 people were killed in South Africa in xenophobic violence that also targeted Zimbabweans, Mozambicans and Malawians. In 2015, the attacks came to a head, leading several countries to repatriate their nationals. In 2019, mobs looted shops and torched trucks in Johannesburg, killing at least 12 people.

Each wave has triggered a familiar diplomatic and economic backlash. After the 2019 attacks, Nigeria recalled its high commissioner and boycotted the World Economic Forum on Africa.

In Lagos and Abuja, mobs vandalised Shoprite outlets and MTN offices, forcing the telecoms giant to close all its stores in Nigeria. Nigeria’s information minister warned at the time that targeting South African companies was “akin to cutting off one‘s nose to spite the face” because the investors and employees in those firms were Nigerians.

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The 2026 episode has raised the stakes. Senator Adams Oshiomhole proposed revoking the licences of MTN and MultiChoice, arguing that Nigeria should hit South Africa‘s economy where it hurts.

Oshiomhole, senator representing Edo North, made the proposal during a heated Senate plenary on Tuesday, invoking the principle of reciprocity in international relations. “I don’t want this Senate to be shedding tears to sympathise with those who have died. We didn‘t come here to share tears,” he said. “If you hit me, I’ll hit you. It’s an economic struggle.”

The senator proposed that MTN be nationalised and its licence withdrawn, arguing that the company repatriates substantial revenue while Nigerian citizens face hostility abroad. “This Senate should adopt a position that MTN, a South African company that is cutting away millions of dollars from Nigeria every day, should be nationalised,” Oshiomhole said.

Oshiomhole extended the call to MultiChoice Nigeria, urging the Federal Government to revoke DStv‘s licence. “By the time we withdraw MTN’s licence, revoke DStv licence, those workers from South Africa will have good jobs to do here,” he said. “When we balance this madness, there will be sanity.”

The senator linked the resurgence of violence to South Africa’s domestic political dynamics, noting that anti-immigrant rhetoric had increasingly shaped public attitudes toward foreigners, including Nigerians.

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The Senate rejected the call, opting for diplomacy led by Senate President Godswill Akpabio. “We must not allow emotion to override diplomacy. Nigeria will act firmly, but responsibly. We cannot solve this crisis by escalating it into economic warfare,” Akpabio said, announcing that he would lead a fact-finding delegation to South Africa.

But the House of Representatives has urged the government to suspend business permits for South African firms, and a joint ad hoc committee will engage South African lawmakers.

Meanwhile, there are unconfirmed reports that Tanzania’s President Samia Suluhu has issued a 48-hour ultimatum for South African citizens to leave, while Botswana has threatened to restrict electricity supply across its border. Ghana has also summoned South Africa‘s acting high commissioner.

For South African companies with deep roots in Nigeria—MTN Nigeria generated service revenue of NGN 5.2 T (USD 3.82 B) in 2025, while MultiChoice remains dominant in Nigeria’s pay-TV market—the prospect of coordinated African retaliation represents a serious commercial threat.

Yet each crisis has also produced diplomatic mechanisms meant to prevent a repeat. After 2019, both countries established an early warning system and joint consular forums to protect citizens. The late President Muhammadu Buhari visited South Africa for a three-day state visit in October 2019 to discuss diplomatic and trade relations following xenophobic violence. Later, President Cyril Ramaphosa visited Nigeria in December 2021 for the 10th Session of the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission.

The latest violence suggests those mechanisms have failed to break a cycle that has now spanned nearly two decades.

Feature Image Credit: Thuthuka Zondi/BBC

Uganda’s parliament passed legislation on Tuesday targeting foreign influence but significantly softened provisions that would have required any Ugandan receiving money from abroad to register as a foreign agent, after the central bank governor warned the original measure risked an “economic disaster” by choking off remittances.

Remittances from Ugandans living abroad are a vital source of foreign exchange for the East African nation, with inflows reaching roughly USD 2.5 B in 2025, equivalent to about 3.8% of GDP. The earlier version of the Protection of Sovereignty Bill would have required anyone receiving money from overseas to register and disclose all incoming funds, a provision that could have discouraged the steady flow of diaspora cash that helps stabilise Uganda’s balance of payments.

Central Bank Governor Michael Atingi-Ego warned lawmakers last week that the original proposal would diminish financial inflows and risk depleting foreign exchange reserves. “A country without reserves is not sovereign,” he said. “The moment you tamper with these inflows here, we risk running down our reserves, and that is economic disaster for our country.”

The final legislation, which now awaits President Yoweri Museveni’s signature, amended the provision to apply only to people receiving funds for political purposes that advance foreign interests. The change came after intense pushback from economic actors, including the World Bank, which warned the original bill could expose routine development activities to criminal liability.

The law still imposes penalties of up to 10 years in prison for violations. It bans anyone working on behalf of foreign interests from developing or implementing policy without government approval, and criminalises promoting the “interests of a foreigner against the interests of Uganda”.

Rights groups say such broad language would allow the government to criminalise political opposition. The government has accused critics of exaggerating the bill’s impact.

Museveni, in power since 1986, and his allies regularly decry outside influence, accusing domestic rivals of receiving foreign funding to push agendas such as LGBTQ rights. Several opposition parties have traditionally received some of their funding from abroad.

The World Bank halted new lending to Uganda in 2023 after the government enacted a harsh anti-homosexuality law but resumed funding two years later after authorities agreed to some compromises.

At least half a dozen African countries have proposed or implemented restrictions on social media access for minors in the past year, signalling a continent-wide shift toward tighter regulation of digital platforms as governments grapple with rising online risks to children.

Rwanda proposed legislation last week prohibiting children under 16 from using platforms including Facebook, TikTok and YouTube. An estimated 46% of schoolchildren in Rwanda access online platforms via mobile phones

Gabon imposed a sweeping ban on social media use for under-16s earlier this year, requiring platforms to enforce a digital age of majority at 16. Zimbabwe is moving to restrict minors’ access, citing concerns over cyberbullying, online exploitation and addiction. Information and Communication Technology Minister Tatenda Mavetera said the government wants to ban social media for children who have not reached the “maturity age of 18.”

Egypt is also pushing for a similar move. Meanwhile, Nigeria launched a nationwide public consultation in March to gather views on potential age restrictions, with officials considering stronger age-verification systems and enhanced platform accountability. South Africa is exploring age-verification requirements, though Communications Minister Solly Malatsi has cautioned that blanket bans could become “cosmetic interventions” if the state lacks enforcement capacity.

“I don’t think we’ll ever get globally to a perfect solution, but there have to be enough guardrails in place,” Malatsi said in February.

Kenya’s parliament rejected an outright TikTok ban in February, instead backing tougher regulation, including age-verification mechanisms and improved content moderation. The government cited employment opportunities for young creators as a reason to preserve access. Tanzania has called for nationwide digital literacy efforts and is finalising a national action plan to monitor children’s online activity through SIM card safeguards.

The wave of proposed restrictions across Africa follows landmark legislation in other regions. Australia’s ban on under-16s took effect in December 2025, with more than 4.7 million accounts deactivated. France approved a ban for children under 15 in January 2026. Spain, Malaysia and Indonesia have adopted similar measures.

The African Union is developing a model law on child and youth online safety to be finalised by the end of this year, aiming to create a coordinated continental framework addressing cyberbullying, grooming and trafficking.

In Uganda, State Minister for Youth and Children Affairs Balaam Barugahara said the government plans to restrict children from accessing TikTok, calling it an “adult-only platform.”

Experts have questioned whether outright bans are feasible. “Children will still use their parents’ phones,” said Damon Wamara, executive director of the Uganda Child Rights NGO Network. “We need to focus more on digital literacy and parental guidance.”

The growing regulatory scrutiny reflects a fundamental tension as African governments move to protect children from online harm while navigating the economic opportunities digital platforms provide for youth creators and the practical challenges of enforcement.

Gabon’s ordinance, published in April, requires social media users to provide their name, address and personal identification number for age verification, going beyond the requirements of many Western countries.

Feature Image Credit: Lakshmiprasad S/Getty Images